Taiwan's colonial experience in a sense illuminates Taiwanese women's struggle for a new identity. The imperial-colonial dialectic is repeatedly found in contemporary Taiwanese feminine fiction, which can be examined from various perspectives. Firstly, there are recurrent portrayals of haunting memories of the past and the present struggling out of the past. Secondly, scenarios of dominance and submission, conquest and annihilation (or imprisonment) are characteristic of many works. Thirdly, there is vehement affirmation of the value of the peripheral and the marginal and celebration of the struggle toward independence. As a result, diasporic experience and the patterns of journey, quest, and exile are especially relevant in the search for a new identity. Nevertheless, there is a limit to the kind of radical gender discourse contemporary Taiwanese feminine fictions embrace. If radical experimentalism has the virtue of shattering "woman" as a traditional category, the political efficacy of women's struggle may inadvertently be destroyed in the process of achieving such goals.

由唐入宋的散文創作與接受活動的過程中，歐陽脩、蘇軾二人實居關鍵影響地位。本文即以二人的創作成績及文本的接受活動作為討論對象，澄清其散文創作的效果、闡釋與影響。

研究過程得知，歐陽脩仕途平順，性情和易清簡，加上「事信言文」的文學主張，抒發出平易近人的寫作風格。蘇軾宦途險巇，促成晚年生命層境愈趨通透，文筆趨於純熟，超凡而脫俗。一常在朝，一常在野，而人品高潔，皆能樹立當代文士的典範。

從接受史的角度看來，歐陽脩經過「由奇而常」的努力，確立了唐宋散文的分野。蘇軾的影響力也與日俱增。這原因來自多方面：一是蘇軾自身的創作經歷；二是他擴大了文學範圍的解釋，追求「意」的呈現；三是仕宦遊歷，飄泊南北，既擴大了空間版圖，也受到朝廷皇帝的同情目光。眾人都成了蘇文的讀者。

儘管如此，蘇軾大名終未掩蓋歐陽脩，歐、蘇二人也沒有競勝高下之爭。蘇軾始終尊歐，當為關鍵因素。

愚人們往往認為，智慧的事或是他自身無法接受者為不實，可是當仔細研究這些事件時，便會發現它不僅可能，而且現實。（阿普留斯《變形記》第一章語）

六朝志怪小說之所以能夠吸引住歷代讀者注目的眼光，成為文學作品中的重要一環，往往是由於其事之「怪異」情節與「神奇」描述，然故事之真實底蘊究竟為何，卻呈現出言之者眾且言者殊異之眾聲喧嘩情況。其中，描述到某人經過某種「特殊的」歷程之後，自身「形體」產生巨大「變化」，而與原本之形體在「外觀」上迥然或異，一身由兩種不同「種族」形體合成，這類涉及「胡」、「漢」形體結合的故事形態，將之稱為「化胡」故事。本文分別從「審美觀點」、「胡漢融合」、「門閥觀念」等面向，試圖釐清該類故事之真實意義，期能將作者的隱微之義予以彰顯，賦予其事應有之社會意義。

《聊齋》中的《嬰寧》故事，說到主角王子服由於聽了表兄吳生所編造的故事，而欲至西南山中尋找故事中的女主角嬰寧，然而卻虛境成了實境，不但看到了嬰寧住所且發現嬰寧竟然是自己的表妹。對於這種情節許多評論家們各執一詞，都有自己的解釋，然而若運用當代心理學家文尼考特的幼兒心理發展理論來作詮釋，更能圓滿的詮釋其中的情節。如嬰寧首次和王子服見面時所遺留下的梅花，正像嬰兒時期母親離開嬰兒，嬰兒當作母親的替身或象徵的物品。而王子服和嬰寧在西南山境的歡笑和遊戲，正符合幼兒心理學中的「中間地帶」理論，即代表此時王子服正享受著和作為母親替身的過渡物一起嬉戲的快樂。

其次王子服、吳生、嬰寧、西鄰子的命名中，也透露出其代表著四種不同階段的人格發展模式。而劇中王母、鬼母和嬰寧三位母親形象的角色，正代表著幼兒與母親關係的三種類型，如王母代表母子暫時分離時所造成的心理空間，嬰兒藉著過渡物讓自己的想像力在某個空間中自由地馳騁；鬼母則代表傾注著嬰兒情感與幻覺的過渡物，減緩幼兒對母親離去的焦慮，培養幼兒運用想像力進行遊戲的能力；嬰寧則代表和初生嬰兒親密無間、同體共生的母親角色。

本文旨在把費諾洛薩和龐德的中國文字理論和中國的「勢」的美學加以比較，從而重新評價《作為詩媒介的中國文字》的中國文字理論。文章首先說明費諾洛薩和龐德所關心的不是中國文字的形象性，而是它們的勢能，並且討論這種勢能在古文字學中的體現。其次，討論中國書法風格和理論的進化如何印證費、龐二氏關於中國文字具有保存和發展其自身勢能的能力之判斷。第三，考察龐德是如何運用他在中國文字勢能上的發現，來證實他自己的「動勢形象」（Kinetic Imagery）的理論。第四，探討龐德與中國的勢的美學在更廣闊的中西宇宙觀層次上所展示的根本不同之處。第五，證明費、龐二氏確實意識到這種根本不同，並且有意識地根據意象主義理想以及重新塑造西方詩學的需要，重新解釋了中國文字所具有的勢能。

This article analyzes two short stories by Taiwan women writers to trace the evolvement of the feminist movement between the 1960s and the 1980s. “The Net” 網 (1961) by Ouyang Zi and “A Place of One’s Own” 自己的天空 (1980) by Yuan Qiongqiong both present a moment of revelation through a crisis faced by their main female characters. Yu Wenqin in “The Net” and Jingmin in “A Place of One’s Own” find themselves in a position to break away from a patriarchal marriage. While Yu Wenqin, who initiates the challenge to the status quo, fails because of her surrendering to her husband’s dominance, Jingmin, who is involuntarily thrown into the crisis, chooses to leave her husband and embarks on a venture for independence. The irony is that between the two characters, Yu Wenqin is the one who possesses more modern personality traits. In comparison, Jingmin represents the traditional weak and submissive female. The differences in their characters, as well as in the paths each chooses in the crisis, testify to the progress of the feminist movement and to the changes in the social environment for women in Taiwan during this period. In the end, however, Jingmin’s breakthrough does not entitle her to claim a complete victory for gender equality, just like Yu Wenqin’s unsuccessful－but equally heroic － challenge should not be considered a total failure for the women of her generation.

The woman warrior is one of the most threatening unconventional female figures to the global patriarchal imagination. Woman warriors, as historically different and culturally specific as they are, share one common behavior; they act in defiance of their assigned gender roles. Many of them transgress the dress code and disguise themselves as men; many are put to death in the end. Through an analysis of the traditional and today’s revived and revised representations of woman warriors in Chinese opera, this paper investigates how the body of the woman warrior embodies tension points where a complex negotiation between the empowered and empowering woman and an oppressive but posed-and-masked-as-natural male narrative is subtly played out.

This article argues that the bare, open stage of the Chinese Yuan and English Renaissance theaters called for similar processes and methods of staging. In both theaters, portable properties such as tables and chairs were handled by stagehands in full view of the audience. Musicians stationed on the stage made some of the sound effects. Combat scenes, supernatural beings and assemblage of the characters at the end of the play made superb spectacles. The spectacles popular in Renaissance England but not seen in Chinese Yuan dynasty were dumb shows and splashing of blood, reflecting more cultural than theatrical differences. Both theaters were player-centered in their staging. The players departed with special cues such as a couplet, and they rehearsed without a director in the modern sense of the word. They wore splendid and expensive costumes, disregarding historical accuracy. Other than the clown-villain roles in the Yuan dynasty theater, facial makeup was subdued. These similarities indicate that both theaters aimed to entertain instead of presenting verisimilitude, which is extremely difficult, if not impossible, on the bare, open stage. There were signs, however, showing the Chinese theater moved over time toward a more stylized type of performance, whereas its English counterpart because increasingly a realistic.

Cultural study today has far surpassed Leavis, who endorsed George Eliot’s Middlemarch in a concept that Eliot might not have agreed with. Our critical interests in language, interpretation, and identity politics are much more in line with Eliot’s concern about democracy, knowledge of reality and its representation. Today’s socio-political studies of Middlemarch enhance our understanding of the book’s historical construct by scrutinizing the Era of Reform in side and outside the text. Feminist criticisms, who generally go beyond earlier disappointment with Eliot, now reaffirm her progressive position. There are brilliant analyses arguing how Eliot follows, yet eventually transcends the dialectic between liberal and evangelical feminisms in her days.

Yet a prevailing skepticism regarding narrative’s referential possibility has also undermined sympathetic sensibility in many latter day critiques. Reading criticisms on the great works of the nineteenth-century realism these days, one no longer feels the reality the books invite us to experience. Before we make any new critical engagements, we must first get that feeling back. In comparison with post-structuralists, the earlier critics may seem naïve, but their sympathetic readings retain precisely that sense of reality that we are incapable of grasping. This article traces back through Middlemarch the critical heritage of to see how far we have come along. It compares Victorian reviews with modern criticism before the 1980’s, when radical skepticism gradually gained currency.

雪嶠圓信是明末清初著名的詩僧，同時也是臨濟宗的重鎮。可惜除了當年陳垣《清初僧諍記》之外，幾乎已完全淡出於研究者的記憶之外，本文意在經由破碎凌亂的史料之重新拼湊，嘗試構築雪嶠圓信的歷史圖像與相關的文化脈絡。

雪嶠圓信的詩作甚受當時批評家的青睞，復為當時臨濟宗耆宿龍池幻有之付法弟子，與當時震動一時的密雲圓悟為同門，然而兩人之間頗有齟齬，至死未休。明清之際的禪林，由於密雲圓悟門下勢焰極盛，是以雪嶠圓信終身亦多不遂，反與曹洞宗（特別是覺浪道盛）建立緊密的友誼。另外他為了與密雲圓悟節頡頏，特別標榜雲門宗旨，一度想依此開宗立派，由於種種主客觀條件的限制，雪嶠圓信最終未能如願，而選擇了回歸臨濟宗的傳統之下，以興復臨濟宗綱自任。

本文側重於歷史層面的討論，然而雪嶠圓信牽涉的文化問題極為廣泛。例如：（一）叢林好尚文藝之風（二）門庭諍鬪角力之狀（三）傳統經典的詮解與認識（四）面對價值衝突時，個人選擇過程之際心理衝突的起滅。經由雪嶠圓信此一歷史圖像的構築，期能對當時的禪林事相與文化心態提供更多理解與認識的門徑。

〈明膽論〉是嵇康於才性問題方面的重要論述，學界每將之比附於《人物志》的「英雄」論或《才性四本論》的離異派，也有視嵇康純是為論辯而論辯，並無明確的立場與正面的主張。筆者立基於嵇康援引「陰陽二氣」以論「明膽」的線索，發現《易經》的陰陽觀念與思維特徵，亦可通貫到才性論中的明膽關係上來展現，因而嘗試從三層明膽關係來重新理解〈明膽論〉的思維方式與內容指涉：陰陽相異故言「明膽異氣殊用」、陽主陰從故言「明能運膽」、陰陽相須變化故言「明膽相須，進退相扶」，而此三者之間具有一不可分割、動態與辯證的微妙關係，這三層明膽關係的建構不僅為〈明膽論〉提供一理解的架構，也更進一步貞定了嵇康的思維特徵及他在才性名理及魏晉玄學史上的重要角色。

本文先從前人研究成果上整理「宮調」之意義，可知「宮調」實非樂調，並非對調高與調式的限定。其真實意義應是曲牌聲情的分類，也就是彼此在聯套上的關係的描述，可以互相搭配聯繫在一起歌唱者，即成一類，再借用古樂調名來描述此一音樂上的分類。因而北曲的宮調名才與古樂調名相同，但卻有完全不同的內涵。

而今存所有元雜劇的套數中，表面看來是借宮的例子，其實在「偶然插用」與「經常相借而所借單位固定者」這兩類，都是所借曲牌本身的音樂特性可以不只與一類曲牌互相聯套形成的「假借宮」，也就是「通用」、「出入」之情形。

真正的轉移宮調，則是［正宮］轉［中呂］之類，這類情形宮調次序清楚，轉用之後，不再轉回，且有相應的劇情變化出現，而且不限於某些特定曲牌的借用，可見是「真借宮」，音樂聲情應該有所不同。

另外，「夾套」是極為特殊的型態，其確義尚不能清楚得知，但應與一般借宮不同，可能是作家另創新「宮調」、「套類」來創造新的聲情效果而形成。

本論文分成二個部份：首先自文獻紀錄徵實，討論「犁牛」究竟應指「黑色之牛」抑或「耕牛」？若從「周尚赤」的觀點來看，「犁牛」釋為黑牛，故不為祭祀選用，其理允當；但如由祭祀之牛係由官方眷養的立場觀之，則將「犁牛」訓為耕牛，亦猶可通。故不論採取某一觀點，都有其合理之處。要之，古代祭祀凡不受選為犧牲之牛，泰半從事勞役，故「犁牛」既表非犧牲者，即喻示其出身尋常，甚且微賤，故孔子用以形容仲弓之家世平庸。

其次，由宗教、神話的觀點，舉證古時對於「牛」、「角」的尊崇及其原始意義，以充分理解孔子所謂「騂且角」的宗教義涵。換言之，本論文主要希望在「知其然」的基礎上，進一步探析，以「知其所以然」。孔子知禮而好禮，若能更深入原始神話、宗教思維中去探究，相信對於《論語》所載有關孔子禮樂觀念之理解，將有莫大的幫助。

在甲骨卜辭中有一類「某芻于某」的句子，有的學者將這類卜辭的意思解釋為「命某人到某地去主管芻牧之事」，也有學者主張是「占問某人到某地去採芻是否恰當？」這兩種解釋都是把「芻」字當作動詞來看所得出的結果，若我們從這類句式的否定型來看的話，即可知在此句式中「芻」字當作名詞，「于」字才是動詞。

因此這類卜辭的解釋便是把某地徵調來的芻人派到某處去，如「弓芻于誖」的意思就是把從弓地徵集來的刈草之人送到誖地去的意思。